How Many Defeats Can Britain Take?

What happens when “historic” defeats become commonplace?

Yet again, Prime Minister Theresa May has dragged her Brexit plan in front of the House of Commons. Yet again, she has been “historically” defeated: 242 votes for it, 391 against.

When it comes to Brexit, the only issue that has occupied her since she took office in July 2016, Mrs. May is completely and utterly powerless. And yet her most dangerous enemy is not an obstinate European Union or even the opposition Labour Party but the fanatical right wing of her own Conservative Party. Her most vicious detractors sit behind her during votes in Parliament and then tour television and radio studios merrily denouncing her the rest of the time.

Her last “historic defeat” was in January, when a nearly identical deal outlining the terms of Britain’s exit from the European Union was crushed. Since then, she has delayed again and again in bringing the matter before a vote, hoping something might change.

For a brief time on Tuesday morning, it looked like it might. Maybe Brexit would finally move on to its next phase instead of endlessly stalling. On Monday, Mrs. May had bundled herself off to Strasbourg, France, the seat of the European Parliament, to beg for enough concessions and assurances from the Europeans that she might be able to persuade the rebellious Conservatives to vote for a new version of the same “Withdrawal Agreement” that they “historically” defeated in January. That evening, she appeared at a hastily thrown together news conference with European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker announcing the supposed changes, while back in London one of her deputies went to Parliament to sell the plan.

Would that be enough to get Mrs. May’s weak deal through? Nope. By Tuesday afternoon, her own attorney general offered his opinion: The “concessions” did not change the substance of the agreement. It never stood a chance.

Over the past months, Mrs. May had relied on fears of a “No Deal” Brexit to push Parliament to vote for her deal. It’s my way or off the cliff’s edge, she’d threatened. That was the strategy for months: Run down the clock ahead of the March 29 deadline and assume that Parliament (or at least a sufficient number of its members) will fall into line to protect Britain’s economy and their own reputations rather than face the economic chaos and political embarrassment of a disorderly exit.

But with only 17 days left, it’s not working. The Brexiteers still see Mrs. May’s deal as too soft and would prefer to crash out of Europe — and cannibalize Britain’s economy atop the wreckage. Meanwhile, the Labour Party, sensibly, wants nothing to do with facilitating Mrs. May’s Brexit: This is the Conservatives’ mess to deal with, and any repercussions should be laid squarely at their doorstep. Increasingly, Mrs. May has been suggesting that Brexit could be delayed — for who knows how long.

In the coming days, there will be more “historic” votes in Parliament. First, members will vote on whether they want to leave the European Union without a deal. Fortunately, a majority has enough sense to vote against that. The next step: a vote on whether Britain should ask the European Union for an extension on Brexit.

But even if there is a delay, it’s hard to see what will change. Mr. Juncker has told Mrs. May “there will be no third chance” for renegotiating. The politics around Brexit appear impossibly stuck. Which is why the only option that makes sense at this point is a fresh election. If Parliament can’t get anything done, let’s elect a new one.

It’s a risky option. A general election can’t be held in the next 17 days. It would require delaying Brexit by months. The soonest conceivable date an election could be held is April 25. And Mrs. May has good reason to fear the results: The last time she called an election, in 2017, she hoped to win a mandate for her Brexit policy and ended up losing seats in Parliament instead. If there’s one thing this prime minister is adept at it’s losing.

But now Parliament is entirely frozen. Mrs. May has no power and no way forward — and nothing left to lose. She may as well burn it all down and try to start afresh.

Dawn Foster is a Jacobin magazine staff writer, a columnist for The Guardian and the author of Lean Out.

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