On Aug. 3, the world marks the seventh anniversary of the mass murder of Yazidis by the forces of the Islamic State — a crime that has been recognized as a genocide by a number of international institutions. Last month, the Belgian and Netherlands parliaments adopted recognition resolutions, and earlier this year, a United Nations team concluded that the atrocities committed against the Yazidis constituted a genocide. These positive developments have renewed Yazidis’ hope that the international community — which did little to prevent the massacre of our people starting in August 2014 — remains committed to our survival.
Yet we still face a number of pressing issues. First and foremost, the world still lacks a functional accountability mechanism for the perpetrators of this crime against humanity. Tens of thousands of Islamic State militants have been charged in Iraq under counterterrorism laws — but not for genocide. Proceedings are rushed and opaque, ensuring that such trials shed little light on the crimes committed against our people. Nearly 3,000 Yazidis, abducted by the Islamic State seven years ago, remain unaccounted for.)
In Syria, some 12,000 Islamic State militants are being held in makeshift prisons, where there is no foreseeable pathway to justice.
The Syrian detention centers also hold thousands of foreigners who will likely never be repatriated. In Germany, the authorities have put several alleged perpetrators of the genocide on trial. No other trials have occurred anywhere else in the world.
In the most recent blow to our efforts to find justice, Iraqi authorities vetoed two draft laws — one in the national parliament and the other in the regional parliament of Kurdistan — aimed at establishing a court to address international crimes, as current judicial courts are not equipped to handle such complex matters of international law. While Yazidis have urged the International Criminal Court to consider Islamic State criminal cases and the U.N. Security Council to establish a special tribunal, neither has come to fruition. It is unclear if Iraqi judicial reform is likely or possible in the near future.
Since the Yazidi genocide was caused by entrenched racism and discrimination against our people, our community rightly fears an Islamic State resurgence and an uncertain future. To confront root causes, Iraq must create a nationwide mandatory educational curriculum with recognition of the genocide and a positive, tolerant social history of the country’s diverse ethnic and religious traditions. Of equal importance, the long-marginalized Yazidi community must have equal opportunities for employment, education, training and government support. Currently, approximately 200,000 Yezidis are still living in refugee camps, with little chance of returning home anytime soon.
On the bright side, the Iraqi Parliament recently passed the Yazidi Survivors’ Law, marking a momentous and unprecedented step forward. The Iraqi government, with support from the international community and U.N. agencies, should ensure the full, fair and transparent implementation of this law. Iraq should swiftly confirm budgetary approval to enable the newly formed Directorate for Survivors to provide housing, economic opportunity, and legal and psychological support to survivors as stipulated by the law.
In October 2020, Iraq’s national government and its regional counterpart in Iraqi Kurdistan signed the Sinjar Agreement to agree on security and reconstruction. Yazidi voices were not consulted — even though Yazidis make up the majority of the population in Sinjar. Even so, this agreement, which could potentially lead to some improvements, faces real challenges in implementation, especially in the areas of security and governance.
Security in Sinjar should be apolitical and trusted and implemented by its citizens, rather than depending on political parties or militias. There are serious concerns regarding the current recruitment of Sinjar’s 2,500-strong police force. Implementation is also endangered by Turkey, which has bombed Sinjar and surrounding areas numerous times, ostensibly targeting insurgents from the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Without serious efforts to address security problems, it is difficult to imagine the agreement leading to a successful outcome. No military action against Yazidis in Sinjar should be tolerated.
While Yazidi families should have the option to return home, they should do it only if actions to this end are coordinated, safe, dignified and voluntary, and lead to the possibility of stable livelihoods. The many thousands of Yazidis who remain displaced require assurances and assistance in order to return. Perhaps provincial status for Sinjar might help address long-term administrative challenges and mitigate territorial disputes.
The story for Yazidis is not entirely dim. The community has better access to the outside world than ever. The younger generation is playing a leading role in development and recovery. Yazidi civil society is stronger and more engaged than ever before, and international donor support has helped scale up schooling, care centers and jobs for thousands of our people.
Yet it is hard to imagine how life for Yazidis can truly return to normal without justice. The international community should help.
Pari Ibrahim is a founder and executive director of the Free Yezidi Foundation. Murad Ismael is a co-founder of the foundation and president of the Sinjar Academy.