In 2017, a former Goldman Sachs banker launched a dating app called Hater, designed to match people according to their shared dislikes. It didn’t last long.
That doesn’t bode well for the coalition that is set to form a new Israeli government, since it seems unified by little more than a shared hatred for current Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. It is surely the strangest coalition in modern political history, comprising parties to the right of Netanyahu, the center, the left and even, for the first time, one representing Israeli Arabs. Could such a motley crew stay together?
Actually, it is possible. In fact, the parties have been brought together by more than just a personal dislike of Netanyahu. They appear to have been genuinely concerned about his abuses of power and the degradation of Israeli democracy on his watch. Remember, Netanyahu is under indictment for three cases of corruption, prosecuted by his own, handpicked attorney general. Elements of the right in Israel that had long been allied with the prime minister broke with him because they worried about where he was taking Israeli democracy.
But that does not mean they are likely to break with most of his policies. The left in the coalition is not strong enough, and overall the most recent elections increased the strength of the far right. Religious fundamentalists and settlers are now more strongly represented in the Knesset than ever before.
There is a parallel here with the 2020 elections in the United States. While they represented a repudiation of Donald Trump — most presidents win reelection — they did not represent a repudiation of Trumpism. The Republican Party, now totally under the sway of Trumpian populism, actually gained seats in the House. Politico described the Democratic performance in state contests as “abysmal.” Despite tens of millions of dollars that liberals spent to flip the state legislatures in Arizona, Florida, North Carolina and Texas, those bodies remain firmly under GOP control. As a result, Republicans have a lopsided advantage in redistricting, which will help the party maintain power for the next decade.
Populists have governed badly almost everywhere they are in power, but their movements have not suffered resounding defeats. Italy has a new government led by the impressive technocrat Mario Draghi, but he doesn’t have a mandate from voters. Justin Trudeau and Emmanuel Macron, two anti-populist politicians who had seemed to be thriving, have both taken political beatings. Trudeau’s approval rating is down to 41 percent, and his disapproval rating is at 55 percent. Polls in France show a tight race between Macron and the far-right candidate, Marine Le Pen, in the upcoming election.
Why is the populist right still so robust? It’s important that the left seriously examine this question. Too many believe Trump’s election was a fluke, that he was a celebrity who found ways to manipulate the media. Some of that may be true, but how to explain this much bigger phenomenon? In fact, the forces that brought populism to the fore are broad and deep. They represent the new realities of politics — a rise in the importance of cultural identity, opposition to immigration, discomfort with multiculturalism and social liberalism, and a deep class resentment toward educated elites. Consider that many people in the United States (and parts of Europe) seem determined not to take a vaccine against a life-threatening disease because they just don’t trust the medical and governmental elites in their societies!
What is the best way to handle the populist right? Probably President Biden’s way. Reach out to work with them, but don’t let that stop you from pushing forward big programs that help people — and show that you can accomplish big things. Hope that your actions will speak louder than their noisy words.
But Biden’s greatest strength may be what he’s not doing. He is not talking about Dr. Seuss books or the Golden Globes, generally steering clear of the many episodes in the culture wars. He is taking a slow and moderate approach to immigration reform, knowing that the issue could easily trigger a backlash. When Vox asked veteran Democratic strategist James Carville about Biden’s first 100 days, he remarked that Biden’s best quality was again something he wasn’t — that he was not into “faculty lounge” politics, meaning framing issues in language that is alien and alienating to many. “Large parts of the country view us as an urban, coastal, arrogant party, and a lot gets passed through that filter. That’s a real thing … and it’s damaging to the party brand.”
The left is basking in its recent victories, from the United States to Israel. But if it doesn’t learn the correct lessons and overplays its hand, that success could prove very temporary.
Fareed Zakaria writes a foreign affairs column for The Post. He is also the host of CNN’s Fareed Zakaria GPS and a contributing editor for the Atlantic.