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Though it may seem premature to discuss Ukraine’s postwar reconstruction, with a Ukrainian counteroffensive launched two weeks ago making some small gains in the south of the country, in fact, the moment to do so is now. At the latest G-7 meeting in Japan, leaders reaffirmed their commitment to ensuring that Ukraine has the economic support it needs for recovery and reconstruction, a project that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has called “not a project of one nation, but a joint task of the entire democratic world”. And the U.S. Congress is currently structuring its fifth supplemental appropriations bill for Ukraine.
Central to a successful reconstruction effort will be curbing corruption.… Seguir leyendo »
Around this time last year — with Russia on the brink of launching its full-scale invasion — Ukrainians’ confidence in their president to handle the military threat massing on their doorstep was low.
Former comedian Volodymyr Zelensky’s popularity ratings were tanking as he battled allegations of unmet campaign promises to tackle endemic corruption.
At the time, one of the major complaints against Zelensky was that he’d let pledges to reform the judicial system slide — a delay that threatened to derail Ukraine’s aspirations of joining the European Union.
¿Qué es más fácil de imaginar, que Vladimir Putin declare de pronto el fin de la guerra a Ucrania y retire sus tropas, o que una Rusia sin Putin revise sus políticas, termine la guerra y empiece a construir relaciones con Ucrania y Occidente sobre una nueva base pacífica?
Es una pregunta difícil de responder. La guerra en Ucrania es, hasta cierto punto, fruto de la obsesión personal de Putin, y no es muy probable que acceda voluntariamente a ponerle fin. Lo cual nos deja con la otra posibilidad: Rusia sin Putin, y donde todas las esperanzas de una Rusia pacífica pasan por un cambio de poder en el país.… Seguir leyendo »
What’s easier to imagine — Vladimir Putin suddenly declaring an end to the war on Ukraine and withdrawing his troops or a Russia without Mr. Putin that revises his policies, ends the war and begins to build relations with Ukraine and the West on a peaceful new foundation?
It’s a hard one to answer. The war in Ukraine is, to a significant degree, the result of Mr. Putin’s personal obsession, and it’s hardly likely that he will voluntarily agree to end it. Which leaves the other possibility: Russia without Mr. Putin, with all hopes for a peaceful Russia tied to a change of power in the country.… Seguir leyendo »
En el momento de euforia que siguió inmediatamente al colapso de la Unión Soviética, pocos hubieran adivinado que Ucrania (un país industrializado con una fuerza laboral educada y vastos recursos naturales) padecería estancamiento por los próximos 28 años. En ese mismo lapso, la vecina Polonia, que en 1991 era más pobre que Ucrania, consiguió casi triplicar su PIB per cápita (medido en términos de paridad del poder adquisitivo).
La mayoría de los ucranianos saben por qué se quedaron atrás: su país es uno de los más corruptos del mundo. Pero la corrupción no sale de la nada, así que la pregunta real es cuál es su causa.… Seguir leyendo »
The scale of global kleptocracy has become so vast — by some accounts, more than one trillion dollars is stolen annually from developing countries — that it is almost impossible to imagine how the problem could ever be defeated. But a tiny victory in Ukraine shows a way forward.
Ukraine has high rates of smoking and drinking, and the national delicacy — salo, or cured pork fat — is representative of a heart-unhealthy traditional cuisine. Cardiovascular disease is by far the leading cause of death in the country, killing two out of every three Ukrainians. Despite this alarming statistic, however, surgeons have long struggled to obtain stents, the small tubes of steel mesh used to open up the arteries that supply oxygen to the heart after they have become clogged.… Seguir leyendo »
President Petro Poroshenko finally signed the law establishing the High Anti-Corruption Court on 26 June. This is one of the key conditions for the release of the next tranche of the IMF’s $17.5 billion support programme to Ukraine and should ensure that officials indicted by the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) face trial.
Up to now, the unreformed lower courts have found ways to obstruct or delay cases brought by the NABU. Out of 220 indictments, there have been only 21 convictions. No senior official has gone to jail.
Created by reformist forces with strong backing from international partners, the NABU is a powerful example of a new institution unconnected with the past, with high professional standards relative to other law enforcement agencies.… Seguir leyendo »
On June 7, Ukraine’s parliament passed long-awaited legislation establishing a special anti-corruption court. Our country took another important move forward on its path toward building a European state where all are equal under the law. This was not the first step in this journey, and it won’t be the last. But I believe it showed that our journey toward a genuine democracy is now irreversible.
Nobody would argue that our reform process has been easy. Over the past two decades, Ukrainians have become skeptical that there could be any progress in the fight against the scourge of corruption. Nevertheless, the Euromaidan Revolution of Dignity gave Ukrainians hope for a new future of accountable leaders and the rule of law.… Seguir leyendo »
For the last three years, Ukrainian activists have been trying to beat back systemic government corruption — but now that “Revolution of Dignity” is hanging by a thread. In mid-December 2017, anti-reform forces in President Petro Poroshenko’s government moved to suppress anti-corruption forces, including efforts to sideline the most prominent anti-corruption member of parliament and to subordinate the country’s independent anti-corruption bureau to the very politicians it is supposed to investigate. Here’s what’s going on — and how it matters to anti-corruption efforts worldwide.
A new approach to rooting out corruption: The ‘sandwich’ model
For the last three years, Ukrainian civil society and the international community have been experimenting with a new way to force the government to undertake major anti-corruption reforms called “the sandwich.”… Seguir leyendo »
Ukraine’s complex political intrigues can be hard to figure out. But this week we’ve arrived at a rare moment of clarity.
The most important domestic issue in our country is corruption. And for the first time in our modern history, we have the people and the institutions in place to fight it.
But at the very moment when anti-corruption officials have really started to tackle the problem, Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko is moving to undermine them. His followers in parliament have dismissed the head of a crucial anti-corruption committee, and now they’re preparing to neutralize the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU), its only independent anti-graft body, which has made a name for itself with aggressive prosecutions of high-ranking politicians.… Seguir leyendo »
Ukraine’s new National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) may have netted its first big fish. The arrest of State Fiscal Service Head, Roman Nasirov on 2 March on suspicion of helping to embezzle 2 billion hryvnias ($75 million) suggests that Ukraine’s anti-corruption reforms are breaking new ground.
The Nasirov case is part of a wider battle for control of the anti-corruption agenda pitting an alliance of civil society organizations, reformist forces in parliament and Western governments against a group of entrenched interests in government, parliament and business.
Ukraine’s leaders are the products of a system of institutionalized corruption based on state capture by a narrow group of wealthy individuals.… Seguir leyendo »
When compulsory asset and income declarations for Ukrainian officials were finally enforced in 2016, the scale of the wealth amassed was a shock even to a country well inured to endemic corruption. For example, Ukraine’s 423 MPs declared a total of £394 million - an average of £930,000 per person. In a country where the average monthly salary is just £163 it is not surprising that there have been calls for criminal investigations.
What’s different this time?
More than 100,000 officials submitted electronic declarations, the details of which are made available to the public via the National Agency for Corruption Prevention.… Seguir leyendo »
Few politicians in the world have had to undergo the same experience twice in their career and in different countries. Yet this is exactly what happened to me in Ukraine and Georgia.
I was the president of Georgia for nine years, during which it went from a kleptocracy and failed state to a country that won international recognition for tackling corruption and became one of the easiest places in Europe to conduct business. Named the world’s top reformer by the World Bank in 2006, Georgia became a flagship among the countries of the former Soviet bloc.
After my second presidential term in 2013, I left to pursue academic work in the United States for a time, and then returned to Ukraine — where, as a young man, I had spent several years at Kiev University.… Seguir leyendo »
Here in Ukraine, one revelation from the Panama Papers has attracted more attention than any other: In August 2014, when Ukrainian soldiers were trapped under artillery bombardments during the battle of Ilovaisk, President Petro Poroshenko, a candy magnate, was setting up a corporate vehicle in the British Virgin Islands. While young men were dying to defend Ukraine, their commander-in-chief was looking for ways to deny Ukraine taxes from his own business empire.
But the Mossack Fonseca files have an even bigger story to tell: Generations of Ukrainian politicians, dating back to the earliest days of independence, have kept assets offshore. In 1998 — around the time some of the soldiers killed in Ilovaisk were probably starting school — the company was already suspected of arranging the affairs of Ukrainian politicians.… Seguir leyendo »
Serhiy Leshchenko, a former investigative journalist and Ukrainian MP has published the results of an investigation into the wealth of Serhiy Lyovochkin, a fellow MP and a former head of administration for the country’s last president, Viktor Yanukovych. It alleges that this long-term public official’s assets include a €49 million villa on the French Riviera and multiple business interests, none of which have been officially declared.
This is one of many investigations into corruption and embezzlement of public finances by state officials in Ukraine that have appeared in the media in recent years. Yet despite this, most continue to live lavish lifestyles way beyond their declared incomes.… Seguir leyendo »
This summer I received an official letter informing me that I had been called up for service in the Ukrainian Army, and that in a few weeks I would be deployed to the east, where our soldiers are fighting Russian-backed separatists.
I care deeply about my country and I want to defend it. But I was facing a dilemma: Should I go to war knowing that I will have to pay more than $2,000 out of my own pocket to get the military equipment that could save my life because official corruption has left the Ministry of Defense without enough adequate supplies to issue to new recruits?… Seguir leyendo »
El año pasado, el ministro de Asuntos Exteriores de Polonia, Radosław Sikorski, fue a Kiev para celebrar conversaciones, parece ser que sus homólogos ucranianos se rieron de él porque llevaba un reloj japonés barato. Varios ministros ucranianos tenían relojes que costaban más de 30.000 dólares. En un artículo que escribí sobre ese incidente, señalé que los relojes de cuarzo desempeñan una función del reloj –la de indicar la hora con precisión– mejor que los relojes mecánicos de “prestigio”, que cuestan centenares de veces más.
Sikorski ha sido el que ha reído el último. Los que se burlaron de él fueron rápidamente destituidos por el Parlamento de Ucrania a raíz de la huida del Presidente Viktor Yanukóvich de Kiev.… Seguir leyendo »
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